Published on Taipei Times 台北英文時報 2009年5月21日
Dear President Ma,
親愛的馬總統，
On the occasion of the first anniversary of your presidency, we, the undersigned, scholars and writers from the US, Canada, Europe and Australia, wish to publicly address our concerns to you about a number of trends in Taiwan, as well as several specific developments.
在您就職一週年之際，我們一群來自美國、加拿大、歐洲和澳大利亞的學者和作家，希望藉著公開發表我們一起簽署的內容，來跟您提出令我們擔憂的一些台灣的趨勢，以及其他具體的事態發展。
We raise these issues as international supporters of Taiwan’s democracy who care deeply about the country and its future as a free and democratic nation-state. As you recall, we voiced concerns on three previous occasions, most recently in a letter to you, Mr President, dated Jan. 17, 2009, in which we expressed our concern regarding the fairness of the judicial system in Taiwan.
做為國際社會的台灣民主的支持者，我們提出這些問題是因為我們深切關心台灣以及貴國作為一個自由和民主國家的未來。相信您還記得之前我們表示關切的三次公開信，而最近的一次是給總統您的信， 日期是 2009年1月17日；在那封信中我們表達了對台灣司法制度公正性的關注。
These concerns have not been alleviated by either the response from Government Information Office Minister Su Jun-pin (蘇俊賓) or the cessation of troubling, flawed and partial judicial proceedings, in particular involving the case of former president Chen Shui-bian (陳水扁).
我們之前的擔憂並未得到疏解；不論是新聞局局長蘇俊賓對公開信的反應，或者是那些令人不安、有瑕疵的、和不公平的司法程序也沒有被停止，特別是涉及前總統陳水扁的案子 。
We reiterate that any alleged corruption must be investigated, but emphasize that the judicial process needs to be scrupulously fair and impartial. In the case of the former president, it is evident that the prosecution is heavily tainted by political bias, and that the former president is being treated badly out of spite for the political views and the positions he took during his presidency. Such retribution does not bode well for a young and fragile democracy, as Taiwan is.
我們重申，任何涉嫌的貪腐都必須被調查，但一定要強調司法的程序必須嚴格遵守公平和公正的原則。非常明顯的是，對於前總統的案例，檢察機關有很嚴重的政治偏見；而前總統所受到的非常惡劣的待遇，就是因為對他擔任總統期間時的政治觀點和立場的憤恨所造成的。這種懲罰對一個年輕和脆弱的民主並不是一個好兆頭，而台灣就是這樣的國家。
The second issue that we feel we need to highlight is press freedom. In spite of earlier expressions of concern by international organizations such as the Committee to Protect Journalists and Freedom House, there continue to be reports of impingement on press freedom by your administration. A case in point is the recent disturbing report that Central News Agency staff were instructed to write only “positive” stories about the policies of your administration, and that reports containing criticism of your administration or China were excised.
第二個我們認為需要強調的問題是新聞自由。儘管早先已經有一些國際組織表示關切，例如保護記者委員會（ Committee to Protect Journalists ）和自由之家（Freedom House），但您的行政團隊企圖影響新聞自由的報告仍然持續出現。最近的一個令人憂心的報導中指出，中央新聞社的工作人員被指示，有關您的政府的政策只能寫「正面的」故事，還有其中含有批評您或中國政府的消息都被刪除，就是 一個典型的例子。
As supporters of a free and democratic Taiwan it is disheartening to see that in the annual report on press freedom by the New York-based Freedom House, Taiwan dropped from 32nd to 43rd place. In addition, it is disconcerting to see reports that groups with close ties to China are buying their way into Taiwan’s media circles, gaining a controlling voice in major publications such as the China Times. We need to remind ourselves that China is still an authoritarian state with a long history of control of the news media. Its financial influence in Taiwan’s free press will in the long run be detrimental to hard-won freedoms.
做為自由和民主的台灣的支持者，看到總部設在紐約的自由之家的年度報告中，台灣的新聞自由從第32滑落至第43位是令人非常的氣餒。此外，讓人擔憂的是跟中國有密切聯繫的集團購買、進入了台灣的媒體界，獲得了控制發聲管道的重要刊物，例如像中國時報。我們需要提醒自己的是，中國仍然是一個專制的國家，而且他們對新聞媒體的控制有悠久的歷史。其財務影響對台灣的新聞自由而言，從長遠來看，對於台灣得來不易的自由是相當不利的。
This leads us to a third general issue: the means by which rapprochement with China is being pursued. While most people in Taiwan and overseas agree that a reduction of tension in the Taiwan Strait is beneficial, it is crucial to do this in a manner befitting a democratic nation: with openness and full public debate. Only if there is sufficient transparency and true dialogue — both in the Legislative Yuan and in society as a whole — will the result be supported by a significant majority of the people.
從這裡，我們要接到第三個一般性的問題：目前正在尋求與中國修好的方式。雖然在台灣和海外的大多數人都同意，減少台海緊張的局勢是有益的，但要做到這一點的關鍵是必須符合一個民主國家的方式：要有公開性以及充分的公開辯論。只有足夠的透明度和真正的對話，無論是在立法院和整個社會，這樣的結果才能得到絕對多數人民的支持。
Transparency and true dialogue have been lacking in the process. Decisions and agreements are arrived at in secrecy and then simply announced to the public. The Legislative Yuan seems to have been sidelined, having little input in the form or content of the agreements, such as the proposed economic cooperation framework agreement (ECFA). The administration simply sends to the legislature the texts agreed to in the negotiations with the People’s Republic of China, allowing virtually no possibility of discussion of the pros and cons of such agreements. This undermines the system of checks and balances, which is so essential to a mature democracy. We may mention that recent opinion polls show overwhelming support for a referendum on an ECFA and for better legislative oversight of China policy.
透明度和真正的對話在整個過程中都是缺乏的。在秘密的情況下達成了決定和協議，然後就直接向社會公佈。立法院似乎已經靠邊站了，對協議的形式或內容沒有什麼參與，例如最近被提議的經濟合作框架協議（ ECFA ）。行政部門只是送給立法機關他們與中華人民共和國談判所議定的文案，造成幾乎不可能對這個協定的優點和缺點的討論。此舉破壞了制衡的制度，而這是一個成熟的民主不可缺少的。我們也要提起，最近的民意調查顯示，壓倒性的多數人民支持以公投的方式來處理ECFA的提案，以及對中國的政策應該有更好的立法院監督。
Mr President, as international scholars and writers who have followed Taiwan’s impressive transition to democracy during the past two decades, we know the sensitivity in Taiwan of the issue of relations with China. Rapprochement needs to be carried out in a way that ensures that the achievements of the democratic movement are safeguarded, that the political divide within Taiwan is reduced and that Taiwan’s sovereignty, human rights and democracy are protected and strengthened.
總統先生，做為觀察台灣過去二十年裡令人讚賞的民主進程的國際學者和作家，我們了解台灣和中國關係的發展這個問題的敏感性。與中國和解並建立友善關係的同時，也應該確實保障民主運動所取得的成就，減少台灣內部的政治鴻溝，而台灣的主權、人權、和民主也應獲得保護和加強。
However, during the past year we have seen that the policies of your administration are being implemented in a way that is causing deep anxiety, particularly among many who fought for Taiwan’s democracy two decades ago. This was evident in the large-scale rallies held in Taipei and Kaohsiung on Sunday.
然而，在過去一年裡，我們所看到的您的政府以及政策的實施方式已經造成深度的憂慮，特別是許多在過去二十年來爭取台灣民主的人士。上週日，在台北和高雄所舉行的大規模的集會抗議就是最明顯的證據。
We have also seen a further polarization in society due to the lack of transparency and democratic checks and balances. Many observers believe that the rapprochement with China has occurred at the expense of Taiwan’s sovereignty, democracy and freedoms. To some, the judicial practices and police behavior toward those who criticize your policies are even reminiscent of the dark days of martial law.
由於缺乏透明度和民主的制衡，我們也看到了台灣社會更深的兩極化。許多觀察家認為，為了與中方關係友好已經犧牲了台灣的主權、民主、和自由。對某些人來說，對那些批評您的政策的人所受到的司法訴訟過程和警察的行動，已經甚至讓他們想起了戒嚴時代的黑暗日子。
In this respect, symbols are important. It does not help that your administration has renamed National Taiwan Democracy Memorial Hall in Taipei back to Chiang Kai-shek Memorial Hall. It doesn’t bolster your case that the funding for the Chingmei Human Rights Memorial in Sindian (新店) has been cut drastically and that the location is being turned into a “cultural” park. It doesn’t help that changes are being made to the Assembly and Parade Act (集會遊行法) that infringe on freedoms of protesters instead of enhancing freedom of speech.
由此來看，名稱是很重要的。所以您的行政當局把在台北的國立台灣民主紀念館改回蔣介石紀念館是沒有好處的。而位居新店的景美人權紀念館的資金已被大幅削減，加上那個地點正在被改變成一個「文化」公園的這件事，對您也沒有益處。此外，針對集會遊行法的修改反而進一步的侵犯示威者的自由，而不是加強言論自由，也是沒有幫助的作法。
Mr President, we appeal to you to take measures that alleviate these concerns. A first step would be to initiate and implement reforms in the judicial system that safeguard the human rights of the accused and ensure a fair trial. A second step would be to guarantee complete press freedom, and instill in those engaged in the media the determination to live up to the highest standards.
總統先生，我們向您呼籲，您應該採取措施緩和這些問題。第一步是啟動和實施司法的改革系統，保障被告的人權並確保公平的審判。第二步是保證完全的新聞自由，並灌輸那些從事媒體的工作者不可辜負最高標準的決心。
Thirdly, rapprochement with China needs to be brought about in such a way that the people of Taiwan have a full say in determining their future as a free and democratic nation. Closed-door deals that bring Taiwan increasingly into China’s sphere of influence are detrimental to Taiwan’s future and undermine the democratic fabric of society.
第三，與中方和解的方式必需是在台灣民眾有充分發言權的情況下進行，他們應有決定自己的未來和作為一個自由和民主國家的權利。閉門的交易把台灣漸漸帶進中國的勢力範圍，是不利於台灣的未來，並破壞社會的民主結構。
Due to its complex history, Taiwan has not had the opportunity to be accepted as a full and equal member of the international family of nations. We believe the people of Taiwan have worked hard for their democracy, and that the international community should accept Taiwan in its midst. Your actions and policies can help the island and its people move in the right direction. We urge you to do so.
由於其複雜的歷史，台灣尚未有機會被充分和平等的接納為國際大家庭的成員。我們深信台灣人民為了民主所付出的努力，而國際社會應該接受台灣作為他們中間的一份子。您的行動和政策可以幫助台灣島嶼及其人民朝著正確的方向去發展。我們在此敦促您這樣做。
Respectfully yours,
敬上，
NAT BELLOCCHI
Former chairman, American Institute in Taiwan
COEN BLAAUW
Formosan Association for Public Affairs, Washington
STéPHANE CORCUFF
Associate Professor of Political Science, China and Taiwan Studies, University of Lyon
GORDON G. CHANG
Author, The Coming Collapse of China
JUNE TEUFEL DREYER
Professor of Political Science, University of Miami
MICHAEL DANIELSEN
Chairman, Taiwan Corner, Copenhagen, Denmark
TERRI GILES
Executive Director, Formosa Foundation, Los Angeles
BRUCE JACOBS
Professor of Asian Languages and Studies, Monash University
RICHARD C. KAGAN
Professor Emeritus of History, Hamline University
JEROME F. KEATING
Author and associate professor (ret.), National Taipei University
DAVID KILGOUR
Former Canadian Member of Parliament and Secretary of State for the Asia-Pacific
LIU SHIH-CHUNG
Visiting Fellow, The Brookings Institution, Washington
MICHAEL RAND HOARE
Emeritus Reader at the University of London, Great Britain
VICTOR H. MAIR
Professor of Chinese Language and Literature, University of Pennsylvania
DONALD RODGERS
Associate Professor of Political Science, Austin College
TERENCE RUSSELL
Associate Professor of Chinese Language and Literature, University of Manitoba
CHRISTIAN SCHAFFERER
Associate Professor, Department of International Trade, Overseas Chinese Institute of Technology; and Editor, Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
MICHAEL STAINTON
York Center for Asia Research, Toronto, Canada
PETER CHOW
Professor of Economics, City College of New York
PETER TAGUE
Professor of Law, Georgetown University
JOHN J. TKACIK JR.
Former senior research fellow, The Heritage Foundation, Washington
Arthur Waldron
Lauder Professor of International Relations, University of Pennsylvania
VINCENT WEI-CHENG WANG
Professor of Political Science, University of Richmond
GERRIT VAN DER WEES
Editor, Taiwan Communiqué
MICHAEL YAHUDA
Professor Emeritus, London School of Economics, and Visiting Scholar, George Washington University
STEPHEN YATES
President, DC Asia Advisory, and former Deputy Assistant to the US Vice President for national security affairs
Nat Bellocchi 白樂崎 〔前美國在台協會主席〕
Coen Blaauw ﹝華盛頓FAPA ﹞
Stphane Corcuff﹝法國里昂大學「中國和台灣研究」政治學副教授﹞
Gordon G. Chang ﹝「即將崩潰的中國 」作者，邁阿密大學政治學教授﹞
Michael Danielsen（「台灣角」主席，丹麥哥本哈根）
Terri Giles ﹝洛杉磯福爾摩沙基金會執行主任﹞
Bruce Jacobs ﹝澳洲蒙納許大學亞洲語言和研究教授﹞
Richard C. Kagan ﹝翰林大學教授歷史系榮譽教授﹞
Jerome F. Keating ﹝國立台北大學副教授（已退休）﹞
David Kilgour ﹝加拿大 前國會議員和亞太國務秘書﹞
Liu Shih-Chung（華盛頓州Brookings研究所客座研究員）
Michael Rand Hoare（英國倫敦大學榮譽讀者）
Victor H. Mair ﹝美國賓夕法尼亞大學中文和文學系教授﹞
Donald Rodgers ﹝奧斯汀大學政治學副教授 ﹞
Terence Russell ﹝加拿大Manitoba大學中文和文學系副教授﹞
Christian Schafferer ﹝副教授，國際貿易，海外華人華僑理工學院，奧地利協會東亞研究主席，主編「當代東亞」﹞
Michael Stainton ﹝加拿大多倫多York Center for Asia Research﹞
Peter Chow（紐約市立學院經濟學教授）
Peter Tague ﹝美國DC喬治城大學法律系教授﹞
譚慎格 ﹝前美國傳統基金會高級研究員﹞
Arthur Waldron 林蔚﹝美國賓夕法尼亞大學國際關係學教授﹞
Vincent Wei-cheng Wang ﹝美國里奇蒙大學政治學教授﹞
Gerrit van der Wees ﹝台灣公報編輯﹞
Michael Yahuda（英國倫敦經濟學院名譽教授，喬治華盛頓大學訪問學者）
Stephen Yates葉望輝 ﹝ DC亞洲諮詢主席，前美國副總統亞洲政策顧問﹞
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